The last three months have been a challenge for the White House press corps, which has ousted Trump’s son’s enlightener for four years.
As I noticed, in front of an audience, last night, passing from Trump to Joe Biden once a week seems to be a small bottle of low-alcohol beer every day.
The White House’s daily briefings are now tender. There are no fights, no names.
No Twitter night storm, no pay for porn stars, no moving MAGA shows.
So does all this mean that it was a boring presidency? Absolutely not. This is a much more interesting presidency than I think any of us have ever imagined. I would say it is fascinating.
Sad thing, from a purely selfish point of view, is that what is meant for television is spectacular, something I have been celebrating for the last four years.
Donald Trump has always had the visuals and the frustration. He knew how to put himself in the spotlight; Biden seems to enjoy the lack of reasoning; he seems to think that people can focus on what he does, not what he says. It is the strangest.
We have announced that Biden, all 78 years of his life, will be the interim president. He would be there to lower the political temperature. try to heal a divided nation.
Get rid of Covid’s absurd policies. Improve the spread of vaccines. Pour the poison from the political body. But set it aside, do not do too much.
He appointed a mainly technocratic cabinet to assume leading functions. The trains may work a little better in time, but they will not change the whole rolling stock, moreover, they will change the railway gauge. Matching ambition to Amtrak Joe.
But maybe we misunderstood all that. Is it possible that he is far from being a transient transformer?
And that word is not loaded in a positive or negative tone. It is simply a statement based on the ambitions of what we have seen so far. Voters will soon decide whether it is better or worse.
Let’s start with the $ 1.9 trillion (£ 1.35 t) incentive package.
The title of this humorous piece of legislation was that almost all adult Americans would receive a $ 1,400 check to help them cope with the epidemic. It was a very deliberate sum of money for Americans, and it was well received by both Democratic and Republican voters, although no Republican lawmaker would support the proposal.
But look beyond the title բարձր raise the cover of this policy a little further. There is a lot to see. Perhaps the most significant is the extension of children’s tax credits. Poor families may soon receive up to $ 3,000 a year. It is estimated that this one measure will literally lift millions of young people out of poverty. From the point of view of the situation, this measure is envisaged only in 2021. For, but it is clear in the White House that Biden wants to make it permanent.
This is the main part of social policy. It’s a big potato.
By adopting a stimulus package or an American bailout package, or rather Biden, he wanted to correct something he felt Barack Obama had done wrong when he came to power, he inherited the turmoil of the financial crisis in 2009. Yes, Obama took a number of measures, but looking back, they were very cautious. not ambitious enough.
A notion that Biden has borrowed from being the first African-American vice president of the United States does not allow a good crisis to be spoiled. The urgency of the epidemic gave Biden the justification needed to carry out the mass program. And he did it.
Now look at what he plans to do to rebuild America’s infrastructure. Again, the price will be in the trillions. Ambition will be huge again. Not just the persistent repair of bridges and roads (although it can be vital). It’s about making digital access more equitable, but beyond that. Way the road wider.
“It’s not a program that clings to the edges,” the president told an audience outside Pittsburgh. “It’s a one-generation investment in America.”
For Republicans, this is a typical government practice; it deceives more social engineering than the civilian type, which is usually associated with highway repairs.
Wish list of what Biden hopes to achieve from this infrastructure project continues. It seeks to create millions of jobs in the short term and to enhance American competitiveness in the long run. It hopes to lead to greater racial equality. Focusing on new, cleaner energy sources promises to help the nation fight climate change.
Take a look at the ambitious goals he has set for climate change at a virtual summit in Washington last week. These are not fixed action actions. The 52% reduction in emissions at the end of the decade is ME IG.
Who knows if he will achieve that, it will require Americans to change their driving style. how do they heat and cool their homes? How the industry operates. But if the ambition is to show American ambition, then it is ambitious.
Now obviously there is an element of motherhood այս apple pie in this shopping list. And that measure must go through Congress, it did not happen.
And while I’re busy saying ‘և’, let me add this. և There is something funny in the spotlight for the first 100 days.
The first 100 days are an announcement of intent, an advance on what you can do during the rest of your term. Frankly, who cares if you have foam for the first 100 days, if the next 1360 stinks and sinks?
That being said, the announcement of intent is great – that’s what makes boring old Biden so interesting.
This is a blog post, not a book, but no doubt the dominant idea in American politics for the past 40 years has been Ronald Reagan’s low taxation, regulating the economy, balancing the budget, encouraging competition, and restricting the union. ,
The same goes for the influence of Thatcherism in Great Britain. Yes, there has been a Labor government for 13 years since Maggie’s death, just like Clinton և պայման պայման պայման պայման պայման պայման պայման պայման պայման Ռ:: But, without a doubt, they worked – they were determined by the orthodoxy of monetary economists, who had such a mental swing on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Milton Friedman, Chicago School, Laffer Curve, Sir Alan Walters.
If Obama’s rescue package did not go far enough (as Biden thinks), it was certainly because he was looking at the growing power of the Tea Party conservative movement. Both Clinton and Blair saw their way to victory as an elusive “third way.” Free market economic liberalism with a big puppet worried about the least secure.
After the moral upheavals of the 1980s, for both Labor and Democrats in the United States, scratching their heads was about what they had to do to win. Both Bill Clinton and Tony Blair were convinced that tax collection and big government promises would not change that trend.
But Biden, for better or worse, seems to be using the epidemic and the dire state of America’s infrastructure to incoherently tell Americans “yes, the big government is back.” This is an area against which Republican opponents, who are still trying to sort out their post-Trump identity, will want to fight against it.
Joe Biden’s former pollster is even more shocking. Insisting that the president should be more direct in raising the taxes of the richest people to pay for those ambitions.
Do not make a mistake. This is a great break և powerful game. So far, his approval ratings in the area where he has chosen to fight – the development of the coronavirus, the economic stimulus, his infrastructure plans – have been really positive.
Due to less chaos on the southern border; something that the president now acknowledges is a crisis. And the multi-year issue of gun control is set to lead to a lot of fuss and fuss, but it’s hard to see what he can achieve through legislation, given the Senate’s delicate balance.
Joe Biden has been the impetus for staying true to social distance, disguising himself as the highlight of his predecessor’s free-spirited, coronavirus super-White House. Meetings with the President are kept at a social distance. Strictly adhered to the protocols.
But last month, an interesting meeting took place in the East Room.
President’s historian Jon on Micham and a number of well-known colleagues led a sit-in that Joe Biden was looking forward to. At this point, just 60 days after his presidency, Biden was already thinking about what his legacy needed to do. What was the limit of the presidential power? What lessons could he learn from his predecessors?
At one point he turns to probably the most respected of these presidential scholars, Doris Kearns Goodwin. “I’m not FDR, but….”
Perhaps Biden sees this as his moment in Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s new deal to fight the Great Depression or the war on poverty and racial inequality advocated by Lyndon B Johnson in the 1960s.
During the campaign, Donald Trump ironically said that Biden could be in politics for more than four decades, but what does he have to show for that?
It seems that he is trying to answer that question very clearly at the helm of power, even if it does not create a big theater.